sexta-feira, 29 de abril de 2011

Kate & William iniciam uma nova era



fonte/abola.pt/Band.
Linda, leve, elegantérrima e dona de um lindo sorriso a nova princesa de Gales parou o planeta para assistir seu casamento com o principe William ,que também ensolarou a todos ,com um sorriso inimitável que trouxe a memoria de cada um de nós a doçura de sua mãe , princesa Diana.
Kate Middleton elegeu um vestido com corpo rendado, decote em forma de coração saia rodada e com pregas, criação de Sara Burton para Alexander McQueen.

Está revelado o segredo mais bem guardado dos últimos cinco meses. Kate Middleton escolheu um modelo criado pela designer Sara Burton para a marca do falecido estilista britânico Alexander McQueen.

Com uma cauda de 2,3 metros e aplicações de renda inglesa feitas à mão, a criação surpreendeu pela simplicidade elegância.

A tiara a segurar o véu da noiva é da marca Cartier, e foi fabricada em 1936. A jóia halo foi cedida pela rainha Isabel II à agora duquesa de Cambridge.
vestido de noiva de Kate Middleton, criado pela estilista britânica Sarah Burton, da marca Alexander McQuenn, é "elegante e chique", disse nesta sexta-feira o estilista da maison Chanel e "Kaiser" da moda atual, Karl Lagerfeld.

"É um vestido de noiva muito refinado nos detalhes, muito mais refinado do que o da princesa Diana. Os vestidos de Alexander McQuenn são sempre muito elaborados. É muito bonito, relativamente clássico, mas em sintonia com os detalhes, com um leve toque dos anos 50, lembrando o Marylin ou o vestido de noiva da Rainha Elizabeth II", explicou o estilista.

"O véu é bonito, com a diadema muito alta, sem um coque muito grande. É encantador e a proporção da cauda é perfeita", disse Lagerfeld, que comentou o casamento no canal de TV francês France 2.

"É todo elegante e chique: não precisa nascer princesa para ser assim!", acrescentou Lagerfeld.

quarta-feira, 27 de abril de 2011


fonte/ Guia da Cirurgia plástica-De Alexandre Charão.
Local por onde a prótese será introduzida e posição em que o implante ficará localizado podem interferir no resultado final do procedimento

Além do tamanho, os implantes mamários podem variar na sua forma e no material utilizado em seu interior. O local por onde será inserido também pode variar. Tudo isso tem de ser analisado, previamente, pelo cirurgião responsável pelo procedimento em concordância com a paciente, que deve ter total conhecimento das alternativas possíveis e também dos riscos existentes em tal intervenção.

Dependendo do perfil de cada paciente, opta-se por implantes de formato redondo ou anatômico, oferecendo o melhor resultado em relação ao desenho anterior da mama. Os produtos com os quais as próteses são fabricadas também variam: prótese de gel de silicone com revestimento liso, revestimento texturizado, e prótese de solução salina.

Sobre o local da incisão, são três as opções mais usadas: sulco inframamário, periareolar ou axilar. “A incisão no sulco oferece a possibilidade de utilizar vários tipos de implantes, além de maior facilidade de acesso à mama, o que aumenta o controle do cirurgião durante o procedimento. Já a periareolar é posicionada exatamente na interface entre a aréola e a pele da mama, enquanto que a axilar é a ideal quando o objetivo principal é evitar cicatrizes no busto. Entretanto é a mais complexa quanto ao posicionamento preciso do implante”, revela o cirurgião Dr. Nonato Fontes, de Salvador.

O implante ainda pode ficar localizado em regiões diferentes: posição submamária, subfacial ou submuscular. “A escolha da técnica depende da espessura da pele e da quantidade de tecido disponível para cobrir o implante. Na posição submamária, o implante é colocado entre o tecido e o músculo peitoral. No caso de optar pela posição subfacial - que é a intermediária - a prótese ficará localizada entre a fáscia peitoral e o músculo. Já na posição submuscular, a localização exata é entre o músculo peitoral e a parede torácica”, declara o cirurgião.

“A colocação do implante na posição submamária permite ao cirurgião ter maior exatidão sobre o resultado final do procedimento. Porém, para que essa posição seja escolhida, é fundamental haver tecido suficiente para cobrir o implante, pois, caso contrário, as bordas poderão ficar perceptíveis visualmente ou palpáveis”, finaliza Dr. Nonato Fontes.
O que diz Dr alexandre Charão sobre a matéria:
Home » Matérias » Prótese de Mama


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A plástica mamária com o uso de prótese de silicone é indicada na maioria das vezes para pacientes que têm mamas pequenas e que desejam o aumento destas e uma melhor proporção corporal. Há também pacientes que após gravidez, amamentação ou perda de peso tiveram redução do volume mamário, com ou sem discreta ptose (queda) da mama.

A cirurgia tem por finalidade melhorar a projeção, o contorno e as proporções das mamas, possibilitando a utilização de roupas com decote e o fim da necessidade de “esconder” o corpo ou de utilizar recursos como sutiãs com enchimento ou com armação.

Os implantes atuais são feitos com gel de silicone de alta coesão no seu interior, evitando os problemas do silicone líquido utilizado no passado. A prótese de silicone não traz prejuízo à saúde da mulher (câncer de mama, doenças reumáticas, etc). Exames radiológicos anuais, de rotina, também não são prejudicados.

Existem diversos modelos de próteses, com perfil baixo, alto e super alto, com diferentes formatos da base (redondo, anatômico). Durante a consulta com o Dr. Alexandre as variedades de implantes são mostradas à paciente. A soma das preferências do paciente com a experiência do médico permite chegar à conclusão de qual modelo e de qual volume são os mais indicados para cada caso.

As vias de acesso para introdução da prótese são três: areolar, submamária e axilar. A prótese pode ser posicionada em dois espaços diferentes: por baixo ou por cima do músculo peitoral. Cada método tem suas vantagens e desvantagens, que são debatidas e explicadas ao paciente. Mas o local mais comum tem sido sobre o músculo, e não abaixo.


a prótese via areolar no plano subglandular, indicada para a maioria das pacientes, pois muitas têm aréola > 4cm e têm algum volume de glândula mamária. A cicatriz é quase imperceptível.
prótese via axilar no plano subglandular, evitando assim a cicatriz no seios (apesar desta ficar muito apagada) e evitando a dor no pós-operatório e permitindo um retorno mais rápido às atividades do dia-a-dia
prótese via axilar no plano submuscular, especialmente em pacientes muito magras e com confirmação de câncer de mama com gene familar presente

segunda-feira, 25 de abril de 2011

Ameera Aamen design 1001 abayas to Dubai Fashion


Fonte/ Gulf News.


There is a certain charm to simplicity that many people are unable to see or understand because they fear that the simple things don't have much to add.

The two sisters-in-law, Mariam and Safa Al Medfaei, got together and created 1001 Abayas, a collection of the simplest designs to prove that too many details aren't always right.

The line has been running since 2007, with designs inspired by Arabian Nights. None of those abayas stood out. Rather, they had simple, elegant touches on a plain, loose traditional abaya. One thing is worth noting though — the use of burqa, which was a first.

For a simple person who doesn't like to draw too much attention to themselves, these abayas are perfect. They're modest, they're casual and they're elegant, in their own unique way.

Ameera Aamer

Ameera is a fashion line that has both abayas and jalabeyas by the fierce designer Ameera Aamer. This collection blends different and opposite styles. It also features a weird mixture of fabric in which you can see more than two kinds, like in one jalabeya.

The beauty of these pieces is the bright and courageous mixture of colours that make them very much alive. Some of them may not be wearable casually, but they still offer an idea that is somewhat valuable to the fashion industry.

What is interesting about this line is that you find pieces that are splashed with beautiful colours and others that are just black or black-and-white which, in this case, offers a choice to the viewer of funky and happy or elegant and classy.

Nabrman

Elegant, simple yet still traditional, this label's latest collection (right) is perfect for a person who doesn't want to stand out. The designer often uses bright colours in very little areas, focusing on the cuts and layers instead. Her designs are absolutely wearable.

Hanayen

This label has a partnership with Swarovski crystals, so it wasn't a surprise to see a lot of that on almost all the abayas (above right). This designer was a favourite because he experiments with different styles and tries to break the black colour while bringing in something new to the traditional abaya.

sábado, 23 de abril de 2011

Medvedev defends Council Members


Fonte/Arab News


GORKI, Russia: Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said on Friday that government officials leaving state company boards must be replaced by impartial professionals and not by “clerks from ministries.”

Some Russian corporate board members are seen as close to powerful Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, and last month’s order to remove them is seen as part of Medvedev’s bid to assert sway over his mentor ahead of a March 2012 presidential election.

“Now a new problem emerges, which we must resolve in a worthy way: the people who replace you must be professionals, impartial, uncorrupt and possessing authority on the market,” Medvedev said at a meeting with Putin and other officials.

“They should not be simply clerks from ministries ... We need to think about how to make these signals understood correctly by the investment community.”

The remarks showed that Medvedev is determined to increase his influence and put teeth into one of his biggest initiatives ahead of the election. Both Medvedev and Putin have said they might run for the presidency, and have suggested they would decide together which will stand.

Shortly after Medvedev’s order late last month, Putin’s deputy Igor Sechin, Russia’s energy tsar, stepped down as chairman of state oil giant Rosneft and said he would leave its board.

Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin followed suit by tendering his resignation as chairman of VTB, Russia’s second-largest lender, and of diamond miner Alrosa.

But officials have cast doubt on whether Medvedev — still struggling to emerge from the shadow of Putin, who named him as favored successor in 2008 after eight years as president — could bring about any major change.

Rosneft CEO Eduard Khudainatov has said that Sechin would continue to control Russia’s biggest oil company, and Kudrin on Saturday suggested the changes would be symbolic because state-controlled companies would continue to represent state interests until privatised.
By DENIS DYOMKIN | REUTERS

quinta-feira, 21 de abril de 2011

Queen Elisabeth II -Happy Birthday





Fonte G-1
Michelle Obama quebra o protocolo quando coloca a mão no ombro da Queen.
Não é permitido tocar na rainha ou em qualquer outro integrante da família real. A única exceção é o aperto de mão, que deve partir deles. "O mesmo vale para dirigir a palavra aos nobres. Não se pode puxar conversa a não ser que a rainha ou os príncipes o tenham feito", explica Charles Kidd, editor da Debrett's. Fundada há mais de 240 anos, a empresa é referência quando se trata da aristocracia inglesa e, desde 1900, publica guias de etiqueta.
Durante uma conversa, a rainha deve ser tratada como "Sua Majestade" e, na sequência, como Senhora (em inglês "Ma'am"). Aos nobres com o título de príncipe ou princesa, é preciso usar o pronome de tratamento "Sua Alteza" pela primeira vez e depois usar "Sir" (senhor, em inglês) ou "Ma'am".

Apesar da rigidez no protocolo, a primeira-dama dos Estados Unidos, Michelle Obama, chegou a quebrar essa regra quando, há dois anos, foi recebida pela rainha no Palácio de Buckingham, em Londres. Ao posarem juntas para uma foto, a rainha Elizabeth colocou a sua mão ao redor da cintura de Michelle, que retribuiu o gesto e colocou o seu braço em volta da monarca. Um porta-voz do palácio afirmou à época que a atitude foi uma "forma espontânea de demonstração de afeto de ambas as partes".

Durante uma conversa, a rainha deve ser tratada como "Sua Majestade" e, na sequência, como Senhora (em inglês "Ma'am"). Aos nobres com o título de príncipe ou princesa, é preciso usar o pronome de tratamento "Sua Alteza" pela primeira vez e depois usar "Sir" (senhor, em inglês) ou "Ma'am".

Apesar da rigidez no protocolo, a primeira-dama dos Estados Unidos, Michelle Obama, chegou a quebrar essa regra quando, há dois anos, foi recebida pela rainha no Palácio de Buckingham, em Londres. Ao posarem juntas para uma foto, a rainha Elizabeth colocou a sua mão ao redor da cintura de Michelle, que retribuiu o gesto e colocou o seu braço em volta da monarca. Um porta-voz do palácio afirmou à época que a atitude foi uma "forma espontânea de demonstração de afeto de ambas as partes".




A rainha Elisabeth comemora 85 anos nesta quinta feira ; na foto, saindo da abadia de Westminter.
Uma mostra do protocolo para os que querem ter uma boa postura na vida e nunca leram sobre a matéria.
Tem muita gente que acha que o certo é abrir a palma da mão e apertar com força; não é... vejam a foto
A mesa

Michelle Obama ; susto no vôo de NY para Washington


Fonte/Hola.
El avión en el que viajaba la primera dama de Estados Unidos, Michelle Obama, se vio obligado a retrasar su aterrizaje al aproximarse demasiado a un avión de carga militar de 200 toneladas, debido a un error de un controlador aéreo. La mujer del Presidente de Estados Unidos volvía de un viaje a Nueva York donde participó en una serie de actos en favor de los veteranos de guerra junto con la esposa del vicepresidente estadounidense, Jill Biden, y donde concedió una entrevista en televisión. Michelle Obama viajaba a bordo de un Boeing 737 que forma parte de la flota de aviones presidenciales cuando se produjo el error en la maniobra de aproximación final a la Base Militar de Andrews. Funcionarios de la Administración Federal de Aviación (FAA) confirmaron que la mujer del Presidente de Estados Unidos, se encontraba a bordo, pero no quisieron hacer más comentarios. En el último momento, los controladores de la base militar temían que el avión de carga C-17 que le precedía no se retirara a tiempo de la pista de aterrizaje y ordenaron abortar la operación de aterrizaje. Los controladores de la torre de Andrews, que hablaron en condición de anonimato, señalaron que el Boeing 737 estuvo "peligrosamente cerca" de impactar contra un avión militar de carga que se encontraba aún en pista. A pesar del gran susto, tanto la Primera Dama como el resto de la tripulación se encuentran perfectamente y se espera que Funcionarios de la Administración Federal de Aviación emitan un comunicado en las próximas horas.

massagem lombar pela HomedicsBrasil


Eu recebi uma mensagem da Jennifer pelo facebook pedindo para divulgar alguns produtos da empresa HomedicsBrasil; como é muito grande o numero de pessoas que necessitam de um pausa nessa incomoda região , aí vai:
A Almofoda de Massagem Lombar Ajustável HoMedics CUV-200 proporciona uma massagem com vibração revigorante em casa ou no carro!
Você pode desfrutar de sua Almofoda de Massagem Lombar Ajustável HoMedics em qualquer lugar contanto que possua um acento, cadeira sofá para colocá-la.
Especificações:
Ref.: CUV-200A-BR3
Cor: Preto e lilás
Massagem com vibração revigorante
Câmara de ar inflável manualmente para suporte lombar personalizado
Adaptadores para casa e veicular inclusos
Alimentação: bivolt automático
Dimensões:
Produto:
apoio para cabeça: 35 x 52 x 4.5cm (LxAxP)
apoio para o quadril: 46 x 52 x 4.5cm (LxAxP)
Embalagem: 48 x 53 x 7cm (LxAxP)
Peso:
Produto: 425g
Produto na embalagem: 1.1kg
Itens inclusos:
1x Massageador de Ombro e Pescoço Shiatsu Homedics
1x Fonte de energia bivolt automática
1x Adaptador automotivo
1x Manual de instruções em Português

segunda-feira, 18 de abril de 2011

Tensions between two geopolitical titans, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Fonte/Wall Street Journal/—Nada Raad and Farnaz Fassihi
The cold war is a reality," says one senior Saudi official. "Iran is looking to expand its influence. This instability over the last few months means that we don't have the luxury of sitting back and watching events unfold."

On March 14, the Saudis rolled tanks and troops across a causeway into the island kingdom of Bahrain. The ruling family there, long a close Saudi ally, appealed for assistance in dealing with increasingly large protests.

View Full Image

Iran's flag
.Iran
Active troops: 523,000
Battle tanks: 1,613
Combat aircraft: 336
Regional allies: Syria, Hezbollah, Hamas
Source: Military Balance
.Iran soon rattled its own sabers. Iranian parliamentarian Ruhollah Hosseinian urged the Islamic Republic to put its military forces on high alert, reported the website for Press TV, the state-run English-language news agency. "I believe that the Iranian government should not be reluctant to prepare the country's military forces at a time that Saudi Arabia has dispatched its troops to Bahrain," he was quoted as saying.

The intensified wrangling across the Persian—or, as the Saudis insist, the Arabian—Gulf has strained relations between the U.S. and important Arab allies, helped to push oil prices into triple digits and tempered U.S. support for some of the popular democracy movements in the Arab world. Indeed, the first casualty of the Gulf showdown has been two of the liveliest democracy movements in countries right on the fault line, Bahrain and the turbulent frontier state of Yemen.

Saudi Arabia's flag
.SAUDI ARABIA
Active troops: 234,000
Battle tanks: 565
Combat aircraft: 349
Regional allies: Gulf states, Egypt, Lebanese Sunnis, Fatah
Source: Military Balance
.But many worry that the toll could wind up much worse if tensions continue to ratchet upward. They see a heightened possibility of actual military conflict in the Gulf, where one-fifth of the world's oil supplies traverse the shipping lanes between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Growing hostility between the two countries could make it more difficult for the U.S. to exit smoothly from Iraq this year, as planned. And, perhaps most dire, it could exacerbate what many fear is a looming nuclear arms race in the region.

Iran has long pursued a nuclear program that it insists is solely for the peaceful purpose of generating power, but which the U.S. and Saudi Arabia believe is really aimed at producing a nuclear weapon. At a recent security conference, Prince Turki al Faisal, a former head of the Saudi intelligence service and ambassador to the U.K. and the U.S., pointedly suggested that if Iran were to develop a weapon, Saudi Arabia might well feel pressure to develop one of its own.

The Saudis currently rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and on antimissile defense systems deployed throughout the Persian Gulf region. The defense systems are intended to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles that could be used to deliver nuclear warheads. Yet even Saudis who virulently hate Iran have a hard time believing that the Islamic Republic would launch a nuclear attack against the birthplace of their prophet and their religion. The Iranian leadership says it has renounced the use of nuclear weapons.

How a string of hopeful popular protests has brought about a showdown of regional superpowers is a tale as convoluted as the alliances and history of the region. It shows how easily the old Middle East, marked by sectarian divides and ingrained rivalries, can re-emerge and stop change in its tracks.

View Full Image

Saudi Arabia's flag
.SAUDI ARABIA
Active troops: 234,000
Battle tanks: 565
Combat aircraft: 349
Regional allies: Gulf states, Egypt, Lebanese Sunnis, Fatah
Source: Military Balance
.But many worry that the toll could wind up much worse if tensions continue to ratchet upward. They see a heightened possibility of actual military conflict in the Gulf, where one-fifth of the world's oil supplies traverse the shipping lanes between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Growing hostility between the two countries could make it more difficult for the U.S. to exit smoothly from Iraq this year, as planned. And, perhaps most dire, it could exacerbate what many fear is a looming nuclear arms race in the region.

Iran has long pursued a nuclear program that it insists is solely for the peaceful purpose of generating power, but which the U.S. and Saudi Arabia believe is really aimed at producing a nuclear weapon. At a recent security conference, Prince Turki al Faisal, a former head of the Saudi intelligence service and ambassador to the U.K. and the U.S., pointedly suggested that if Iran were to develop a weapon, Saudi Arabia might well feel pressure to develop one of its own.

The Saudis currently rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and on antimissile defense systems deployed throughout the Persian Gulf region. The defense systems are intended to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles that could be used to deliver nuclear warheads. Yet even Saudis who virulently hate Iran have a hard time believing that the Islamic Republic would launch a nuclear attack against the birthplace of their prophet and their religion. The Iranian leadership says it has renounced the use of nuclear weapons.

How a string of hopeful popular protests has brought about a showdown of regional superpowers is a tale as convoluted as the alliances and history of the region. It shows how easily the old Middle East, marked by sectarian divides and ingrained rivalries, can re-emerge and stop change in its tracks.

View Full Image

Saudi Arabia's flag
.SAUDI ARABIA
Active troops: 234,000
Battle tanks: 565
Combat aircraft: 349
Regional allies: Gulf states, Egypt, Lebanese Sunnis, Fatah
Source: Military Balance
.But many worry that the toll could wind up much worse if tensions continue to ratchet upward. They see a heightened possibility of actual military conflict in the Gulf, where one-fifth of the world's oil supplies traverse the shipping lanes between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Growing hostility between the two countries could make it more difficult for the U.S. to exit smoothly from Iraq this year, as planned. And, perhaps most dire, it could exacerbate what many fear is a looming nuclear arms race in the region.

Iran has long pursued a nuclear program that it insists is solely for the peaceful purpose of generating power, but which the U.S. and Saudi Arabia believe is really aimed at producing a nuclear weapon. At a recent security conference, Prince Turki al Faisal, a former head of the Saudi intelligence service and ambassador to the U.K. and the U.S., pointedly suggested that if Iran were to develop a weapon, Saudi Arabia might well feel pressure to develop one of its own.

The Saudis currently rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and on antimissile defense systems deployed throughout the Persian Gulf region. The defense systems are intended to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles that could be used to deliver nuclear warheads. Yet even Saudis who virulently hate Iran have a hard time believing that the Islamic Republic would launch a nuclear attack against the birthplace of their prophet and their religion. The Iranian leadership says it has renounced the use of nuclear weapons.

How a string of hopeful popular protests has brought about a showdown of regional superpowers is a tale as convoluted as the alliances and history of the region. It shows how easily the old Middle East, marked by sectarian divides and ingrained rivalries, can re-emerge and stop change in its tracks.

View Full Image

Saudi Arabia's flag
.SAUDI ARABIA
Active troops: 234,000
Battle tanks: 565
Combat aircraft: 349
Regional allies: Gulf states, Egypt, Lebanese Sunnis, Fatah
Source: Military Balance
.But many worry that the toll could wind up much worse if tensions continue to ratchet upward. They see a heightened possibility of actual military conflict in the Gulf, where one-fifth of the world's oil supplies traverse the shipping lanes between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Growing hostility between the two countries could make it more difficult for the U.S. to exit smoothly from Iraq this year, as planned. And, perhaps most dire, it could exacerbate what many fear is a looming nuclear arms race in the region.

Iran has long pursued a nuclear program that it insists is solely for the peaceful purpose of generating power, but which the U.S. and Saudi Arabia believe is really aimed at producing a nuclear weapon. At a recent security conference, Prince Turki al Faisal, a former head of the Saudi intelligence service and ambassador to the U.K. and the U.S., pointedly suggested that if Iran were to develop a weapon, Saudi Arabia might well feel pressure to develop one of its own.

The Saudis currently rely on the U.S. nuclear umbrella and on antimissile defense systems deployed throughout the Persian Gulf region. The defense systems are intended to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles that could be used to deliver nuclear warheads. Yet even Saudis who virulently hate Iran have a hard time believing that the Islamic Republic would launch a nuclear attack against the birthplace of their prophet and their religion. The Iranian leadership says it has renounced the use of nuclear weapons.

How a string of hopeful popular protests has brought about a showdown of regional superpowers is a tale as convoluted as the alliances and history of the region. It shows how easily the old Middle East, marked by sectarian divides and ingrained rivalries, can re-emerge and stop change in its tracks.

There has long been bad blood between the Saudis and Iran. Saudi Arabia is a Sunni Muslim kingdom of ethnic Arabs, Iran a Shiite Islamic republic populated by ethnic Persians. Shiites first broke with Sunnis over the line of succession after the death of the Prophet Mohammed in the year 632; Sunnis have regarded them as a heretical sect ever since. Arabs and Persians, along with many others, have vied for the land and resources of the Middle East for almost as long.

These days, geopolitics also plays a role. The two sides have assembled loosely allied camps. Iran holds in its sway Syria and the militant Arab groups Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian territories; in the Saudi sphere are the Sunni Muslim-led Gulf monarchies, Egypt, Morocco and the other main Palestinian faction, Fatah. The Saudi camp is pro-Western and leans toward tolerating the state of Israel. The Iranian grouping thrives on its reputation in the region as a scrappy "resistance" camp, defiantly opposed to the West and Israel.

For decades, the two sides have carried out a complicated game of moves and countermoves. With few exceptions, both prefer to work through proxy politicians and covertly funded militias, as they famously did during the long Lebanese civil war in the late 1970s and 1980s, when Iran helped to hatch Hezbollah among the Shiites while the Saudis backed Sunni militias.

But the maneuvering extends far beyond the well-worn battleground of Lebanon. Two years ago, the Saudis discovered Iranian efforts to spread Shiite doctrine in Morocco and to use some mosques in the country as a base for similar efforts in sub-Saharan Africa. After Saudi emissaries delivered this information to King Mohammed VI, Morocco angrily severed diplomatic relations with Iran, according to Saudi officials and cables obtained by the organization WikiLeaks.

As far away as Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim country, the Saudis have watched warily as Iranian clerics have expanded their activities—and they have responded with large-scale religious programs of their own there.

The 1979 Iranian revolution was a major eruption that still looms large in the psyches of both nations. It explicitly married Shiite religious zeal with historic Persian ambitions and also played on sharply anti-Western sentiments in the region.

Iran's clerical regime worked to spread the revolution across the Middle East; Saudi Arabia and its allies worried that it would succeed. For a time it looked like it might. There were large demonstrations and purported antigovernment plots in Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province, which has a large population of Shiite Muslim Arabs, and in Bahrain, where Shiites are a distinct majority and Iran had claimed sovereignty as recently as 1970.

The protests that began this past January in Tunisia had nothing to do with any of this. They started when a struggling street vendor in that country's desolate heartland publicly set himself on fire after a local officer cited his cart for a municipal violation. His frustration, multiplied hundreds of thousands times, boiled over in a month of demonstrations against Tunisian President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. To the amazement of the Arab world, Mr. Ben Ali fled the country when the military declined to back him by brutally putting down the demonstrations.

Spurred on by televised images and YouTube videos from Tunisia, protests broke out across much of the rest of the Arab world. Within weeks, millions were on the streets in Egypt and Hosni Mubarak was gone, shown the door in part by his longtime backer, the U.S. government. The Obama administration was captivated by this spontaneous outbreak of democratic demands and at first welcomed it with few reservations.

In Riyadh, Saudi officials watched with alarm. They became furious when the Obama administration betrayed, to Saudi thinking, a longtime ally in Mr. Mubarak and urged him to step down in the face of the street demonstrations.

The Egyptian leader represented a key bulwark in what Riyadh perceives as a great Sunni wall standing against an expansionist Iran. One part of that barrier had already crumbled in 2003 when the U.S. invasion of Iraq toppled Saddam Hussein. Losing Mr. Mubarak means that the Saudis now see themselves as the last Sunni giant left in the region.

The Saudis were further agitated when the protests crept closer to their own borders. In Yemen, on their southern flank, young protesters were suddenly rallying thousands, and then tens of thousands, of their fellow citizens to demand the ouster of the regime, led by President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his family for 43 years.

Meanwhile, across a narrow expanse of water on Saudi Arabia's northeast border, protesters in Bahrain rallied in the hundreds of thousands around a central roundabout in Manama. Most Bahraini demonstrators were Shiites with a long list of grievances over widespread economic and political discrimination. But some Sunnis also participated, demanding more say in a government dominated by the Al-Khalifa family since the 18th century.

In Riyadh, Saudi officials watched with alarm. They became furious when the Obama administration betrayed, to Saudi thinking, a longtime ally in Mr. Mubarak and urged him to step down in the face of the street demonstrations.

The Egyptian leader represented a key bulwark in what Riyadh perceives as a great Sunni wall standing against an expansionist Iran. One part of that barrier had already crumbled in 2003 when the U.S. invasion of Iraq toppled Saddam Hussein. Losing Mr. Mubarak means that the Saudis now see themselves as the last Sunni giant left in the region.

The Saudis were further agitated when the protests crept closer to their own borders. In Yemen, on their southern flank, young protesters were suddenly rallying thousands, and then tens of thousands, of their fellow citizens to demand the ouster of the regime, led by President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his family for 43 years.

Meanwhile, across a narrow expanse of water on Saudi Arabia's northeast border, protesters in Bahrain rallied in the hundreds of thousands around a central roundabout in Manama. Most Bahraini demonstrators were Shiites with a long list of grievances over widespread economic and political discrimination. But some Sunnis also participated, demanding more say in a government dominated by the Al-Khalifa family since the 18th century.

Protesters deny that their goals had anything to do with gaining sectarian advantage. Independent observers, including the U.S. government, saw no sign that the protests were anything but homegrown movements arising from local problems. During a visit to Bahrain, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates urged the government to adopt genuine political and social reform.

But to the Saudis, the rising disorder on their borders fit a pattern of Iranian meddling. A year earlier, they were convinced that Iran was stoking a rebellion in Yemen's north among a Shiite-dominated rebel group known as the Houthis. Few outside observers saw extensive ties between Iran and the Houthis. But the Saudis nonetheless viewed the nationwide Yemeni protests in that context.

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Reuters

Saudi Arabian troops cross the causeway leading to Bahrain on March 14, above. The ruling family in Bahrain had appealed for assistance in dealing with protests.
.In Bahrain, where many Shiites openly nurture cultural and religious ties to Iran, the Saudis saw the case as even more open-and-shut. To their ears, these suspicions were confirmed when many Bahraini protesters moved beyond demands for greater political and economic participation and began demanding a constitutional monarchy or even the outright ouster of the Al-Khalifa family. Many protesters saw these as reasonable responses to years of empty promises to give the majority Shiites a real share of power—and to the vicious government crackdown that had killed seven demonstrators to that point.

But to the Saudis, not to mention Bahrain's ruling family, even the occasional appearance of posters of Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah amid crowds of Shiite protesters pumping their fists and chanting demands for regime change was too much. They saw how Iran's influence has grown in Shiite-majority Iraq, along their northern border, and they were not prepared to let that happen again.

As for the U.S., the Saudis saw calls for reform as another in a string of disappointments and outright betrayals. Back in 2002, the U.S. had declined to get behind an offer from King Abdullah (then Crown Prince) to rally widespread Arab recognition for Israel in exchange for Israel's acceptance of borders that existed before the 1967 Six Day War—a potentially historic deal, as far as the Saudis were concerned. And earlier this year, President Obama declined a personal appeal from the king to withhold the U.S. veto at the United Nations from a resolution condemning continued Israeli settlement building in Jerusalem and the West Bank.

The Saudis believe that solving the issue of Palestinian statehood will deny Iran a key pillar in its regional expansionist strategy—and thus bring a win for the forces of Sunni moderation that Riyadh wants to lead.

Iran, too, was starting to see a compelling case for action as one Western-backed regime after another appeared to be on the ropes. It ramped up its rhetoric and began using state media and the regional Arab-language satellite channels it supports to depict the pro-democracy uprisings as latter-day manifestations of its own revolution in 1979. "Today the events in the North of Africa, Egypt, Tunisia and certain other countries have another sense for the Iranian nation.… This is the same as 'Islamic Awakening,' which is the result of the victory of the big revolution of the Iranian nation," said Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Iran also broadcast speeches by Hezbollah's leader into Bahrain, cheering the protesters on. Bahraini officials say that Iran went further, providing money and even some weapons to some of the more extreme opposition members. Protest leaders vehemently deny any operational or political links to Iran, and foreign diplomats in Bahrain say that they have seen little evidence of it.

March 14 was the critical turning point. At the invitation of Bahrain, Saudi armed vehicles and tanks poured across the causeway that separates the two countries. They came representing a special contingent under the aegis of the Gulf Cooperation Council, a league of Sunni-led Gulf states, but the Saudis were the major driver. The Saudis publicly announced that 1,000 troops had entered Bahrain, but privately they concede that the actual number is considerably higher.

If both Iran and Saudi Arabia see themselves responding to external threats and opportunities, some analysts, diplomats and democracy advocates see a more complicated picture. They say that the ramping up of regional tensions has another source: fear of democracy itself.

Long before protests ousted rulers in the Arab world, Iran battled massive street protests of its own for more than two years. It managed to control them, and their calls for more representative government or outright regime change, with massive, often deadly, force. Yet even as the government spun the Arab protests as Iranian inspired, Iran's Green Revolution opposition movement managed to use them to boost their own fortunes, staging several of their best-attended rallies in more than a year.

Saudi Arabia has kept a wary eye on its own population of Shiites, who live in the oil-rich Eastern Province directly across the water from Bahrain. Despite a small but energetic activist community, Saudi Arabia has largely avoided protests during the Arab Spring, something that the leadership credits to the popularity and conciliatory efforts of King Abdullah. But there were a smattering of small protests and a few clashes with security services in the Eastern Province.

The regional troubles have come at a tricky moment domestically for Saudi Arabia. King Abdullah, thought to be 86 years old, was hospitalized in New York, receiving treatment for a back injury, when the Arab protests began. The Crown Prince, Sultan bin Abdul Aziz, is only slightly younger and is already thought to be too infirm to become king. Third in line, Prince Nayaf bin Abdul Aziz, is around 76 years old.

Viewing any move toward more democracy at home—at least on anyone's terms but their own—as a threat to their regimes, the regional superpowers have changed the discussion, observers say. The same goes, they say, for the Bahraini government. "The problem is a political one, but sectarianism is a winning card for them," says Jasim Husain, a senior member of the Wefaq Shiite opposition party in Bahrain.

Since March 14, the regional cold war has escalated. Kuwait expelled several Iranian diplomats after it discovered and dismantled, it says, an Iranian spy cell that was casing critical infrastructure and U.S. military installations. Iran and Saudi Arabia are, uncharacteristically and to some observers alarmingly, tossing direct threats at each other across the Gulf. The Saudis, who recently negotiated a $60 billion arms deal with the U.S. (the largest in American history), say that later this year they will increase the size of their armed forces and National Guard.

And recently the U.S. has joined in warning Iran after a trip to the region by Defense Secretary Gates to patch up strained relations with Arab monarchies, especially Saudi Arabia. Minutes after meeting with King Abdullah, Mr. Gates told reporters that he had seen "evidence" of Iranian interference in Bahrain. That was followed by reports from U.S. officials that Iranian leaders were exploring ways to support Bahraini and Yemeni opposition parties, based on communications intercepted by U.S. spy agencies.

Saudi officials say that despite the current friction in the U.S.-Saudi relationship, they won't break out of the traditional security arrangement with Washington, which is based on the understanding that the kingdom works to stabilize global oil prices while the White House protects the ruling family's dynasty. Washington has pulled back from blanket support for democracy efforts in the region. That has bruised America's credibility on democracy and reform, but it has helped to shore up the relationship with Riyadh.

The deployment into Bahrain was also the beginning of what Saudi officials describe as their efforts to directly parry Iran. While Saudi troops guard critical oil and security facilities in their neighbor's land, the Bahraini government has launched a sweeping and often brutal crackdown on demonstrators.

It forced out the editor of the country's only independent newspaper. More than 400 demonstrators have been arrested without charges, many in violent night raids on Shiite villages. Four have died in custody, according to human-rights groups. Three members of the national soccer team, all Shiites, have also been arrested. As many as 1,000 demonstrators who missed work during the protests have been fired from state companies.

In Shiite villages such as Saar, where a 14-year-old boy was killed by police and a 56-year-old man disappeared overnight and showed up dead the next morning, protests have continued sporadically. But in the financial district and areas where Sunni Muslims predominate, the demonstrations have ended.

In Yemen, the Saudis, also working under a Gulf Cooperation Council umbrella, have taken control of the political negotiations to transfer power out of the hands of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, according to two Saudi officials.

In Yemen, the Saudis, also working under a Gulf Cooperation Council umbrella, have taken control of the political negotiations to transfer power out of the hands of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, according to two Saudi officials.

"We stayed out of the process for a while, but now we have to intervene," said one official. "It's that, or watch our southern flank disintegrate into chaos."

sexta-feira, 15 de abril de 2011

Instituto Ivo Pitanguy em Salvador



Foto/ reprodução.
Inauguração do Instituto Ivo Pitanguy

No próximo sábado (16), durante a VI Jornada Baiana de Cirurgia Plástica, acontecerá o lançamento do Instituto Ivo Pitanguy, que será sediado em Salvador. O instituto tem como missão difundir a ciência da cirurgia plástica em nosso Estado.

Foi escolhido, por unanimidade, para ser o seu presidente, o cirurgião plástico baiano Nonato Fontes, membro titular da Sociedade Brasileira de Cirurgia Plástica, com especialização em Klinikun Steglitz – Frei Universitat, Berlim e um dos poucos baianos a integrar a Associação dos ex-alunos do Professor Ivo Pitanguy.

terça-feira, 12 de abril de 2011

Christian Louboutin contre Yves Saint-Laurent. pour violation de marque commerciale

Fonte/Le Figaro.
L'escarpin à semelle rouge laquée est-il l'apanage du chausseur français Christian Louboutin ? Un juge de New York va devoir trancher, après la plainte déposée jeudi dernier contre Yves Saint-Laurent.

Le plaignant poursuit la maison de luxe française pour « violation de marque commerciale » et « concurrence déloyale », après l'apparition de chaussures à semelles rouges dans certaines boutiques Yves Saint Laurent de Manhattan, a indiqué à l'AFP Harley Lewin, l’un des avocats du chausseur.
« La semelle rouge existe depuis 1992, elle permet de reconnaître immédiatement les créations de M. Louboutin dans le monde entier, et c'est une marque déposée aux Etats-Unis depuis 2008 », a poursuivi M. Lewin. La société Christian Louboutin demande au juge d'ordonner le retrait immédiat du commerce des chaussures incriminées, à titre conservatoire et sans attendre la décision de justice.
Le plaignant demande également un million de dollars d'indemnités pour préjudice moral. « La semelle Yves Saint Laurent est tout simplement une contrefaçon. La semelle laquée induit la confusion chez la cliente, c'est suffisant, la chaussure ne doit pas être 100% identique pour qu'il y ait imitation, », assure M. Lewin.
À Paris, ni la direction de la maison Saint Laurent ni celle de la maison Louboutin n’ont souhaité commenter cette affaire.

Une autre marque, brésilienne, a elle aussi des démêlés avec Christian Louboutin. Quelques mois après avoir ouvert une boutique rue de Grenelle à Paris, le label Carmen Steffens, qui compte parmi ses clientes le mannequin brésilien Gisèle Bündchen, a reçu un courrier du chausseur, lui reprochant l'utilisation de semelles rouges sur certains modèles.
Dans un communiqué publié lundi à Paris, Alexandra Le Garrec, responsable de la marque pour la France, souligne que la marque « créée et fabrique depuis toujours des chaussures à semelles colorées, pour certaines rouges ». « Nous avons utilisé des semelles rouges bien avant que Christian Louboutin fasse connaître les siennes, nous sommes prêts à ressortir nos catalogues et à fournir des preuves », assure Mme Le Garrec. « Et en 2009, lorsqu'il a ouvert une boutique au Brésil, à Sao Paulo, il a bien vu nos semelles et n'a pas porté plainte », ajoute-t-elle.

Kate & William - mariage du siècle


Fonte/Paris Match
Royal Blog | Mardi 12 Avril 2011

Mariage du siècle : le grand jour, heure par heure

| Photo Reuters
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Tout sur le grand jour du mariage du prince William et Kate Middleton.

Clément Mathieu - Parismatch.com




Vous êtes à Londres…

Mais vous n’avez pas été invité? Vous pourrez tout de même assister au mariage du siècle sur deux écrans géants: l’un sera installé à Traflagar Square, et l’autre à Hyde Park.

Si vous souhaitez vous déplacer dans Londres le grand jour, cet article du «Telegraph» vous sera particulièrement utile : lignes de bus et de métro, routes fermées, conseils… tout est à retrouver en cliquant ici…

L’emploi du temps
5h00 : Le réveil royal
A 5h matin environ, ou peut-être plus tôt encore, nos futurs mariés devront se lever pour se préparer.

08h30 : Les premiers invités sont attendus à Westminster.
Les 1900 personnes entreront par la porte nord de Westminster, et seront accueillies et placées par les Yeomen, la garde de la reine et plus ancien corps de l’armée britannique.

10h45 : Arrivée des familles
Les familles des mariés arriveront vers par l’entrée ouest, la principale. Comme le veut la tradition, le prince Philip et la reine Elisabeth seront les dernières personnes à entrer. Avant la mariée et son père bien sûr.

10h50 : Kate prend la direction de Westminster


Kate et son père Michael quitteront leur hôtel, longeront Buckingham, le Mall, Trafalgar Square, Whitehall avant d’atteindre l’abbaye en Rolls-Royce.

11h00 : début de la cérémonie à Westminster
La cérémonie devrait durer une heure et quinze minutes.

12h15 : Le couple marié sort de l’abbaye
William et Kate apparaîtront pour la première fois devant leurs futurs sujets, comme mari et femme.

12h20 : Départ du carrosse
Le couple regagnera le palais en carrosse - découvert si le temps s’y prête. Ils seront suivis de trois carrosses, un pour les témoins (William et Pippa), un pour les parents (Charles et Camilla, Carole et Michael) et un enfin pour le couple royal (Elisabeth et Philip). Un millier de militaires feront une haie d'honneur à ce royal cortège, tout au long de son parcours (à lire ici)
13h25 : Un baiser sur le balcon ?
William et Kate se présenteront au balcon de Buckingham palace. La question est dans toutes les têtes : Offriront-ils un baiser à la foule, comme l’avait fait Charles et Diana il y a 30 ans ? Petit indice, une source au sein de la maison royale a dit que ceux qui attendaient ce moment avaient «peu de chances d’être déçus» …

13h30 : passage du défilé aérien
Sept appareils survoleront la résidence royale pour saluer le mariage. Parmi eux, trois appareils de la Seconde guerre mondiale, un Lancaster, un Spitfire et un Hurricane.

13h35 : début du «breakfast»
Environ 600 personnes, parmi les 1900 invités, sont conviées à cette réception, organisée par la reine.

15h00 – 19h00 : le temps d’une pause
Kate et William pourront enfin souffler. Des retrouvailles en coulisses entre amoureux qui comprendront toutefois un changement de costume et un raccord maquillage et coiffure

19h00 : début du «dinner»
Quelque 300 personnes sont invitées à ce diner à Buckingham, organisé par le prince Charles.

segunda-feira, 11 de abril de 2011

Newton Lins com Brenda na Academia Brasileira de Letras

FotoReprodução

Ann Holden to Architectural Digest




I've been everywhere, but there’s no place like New Orleans,” says designer Ann Holden, a native. “It’s not Europe, but it’s not America. We don’t always have money here, but we do have style,” she adds with a laugh. The city and its rich heritage has put its stamp on the work of Holden & Dupuy Interiors, which Holden founded in 1976 with Ann Dupuy after the two graduated from Tulane University. “Back then, there weren’t that many southern female designers,” Holden recalls. “But we were confident that we could do it.” Today the partners take on separate projects all over the country, from California to New York. And while her interiors are as diverse as her clients, Holden loves incorporating antiques, even in a contemporary design. “Today we use more Italian pieces than French. Art is also important to me. We have a thriving art community in New Orleans. A client who wanted to learn about art and collect would be a dream.”

Read more: http://www.architecturaldigest.com/architects/100/ann_holden/ann_holden_profile#ixzz1JELy1yLc

Hermès e Chanel apostaram nas saias longas; elas voltaram com novo look.


Fonte Marie Claire.
Fashion Rio: Outono/Inverno 11 de janeiro a 15 de janeiro Só mais um site Colunas.marieclaire.globo.com Saias longas se confirmam como tendência do Fashion Rio
13:22, 15 de janeiro de 2011 mclaireAcquastudio, Alessa, British Colony, Cantão, Filhas de Gaia, Melk Z-Da, Tendência, Totem, Walter Rodrigues Tags: 70's, Filhas de Gaia, saia longa, Walter Rodrigues
Alguns meses atrás, quando o mundo da moda parecia dominado pelos mini comprimentos, grifes como Chanel e Hermès propuseram um verão 2011 com algumas saias que se aventurassem sobre joelhos e tornozelos e ousassem tapar o que a moda então mostrava à exaustão. As saias longas voltaram de vez ao horizonte fashion e levantaram dúvidas: servem para todas? Confinam qualquer look em uma atmosfera seventies?

Para sorte das simpatizantes, os “saiões”, como estão sendo chamados por estes lados, apareceram em diferentes versões também na temporada carioca. Há coloridíssimos, como os da Cantão, e os pretos sóbrios, como os de Walter Rodrigues. Ou seja, a peça é, sim uma das tendências mais fortes para o guarda-roupa de inverno.

Leia mais: aprenda a usar saias longas

Sandra Bittencourt, nossa editora de moda em Marie Claire, indica os “saiões” em modelagem mais ampla como as melhores aquisições para quem quiser aderir a essa onda. “As saias longas nunca foram tão versáteis como agora”, diz. Mas vale ficar atento a alguns detalhes: o melhor tecido para se usar no trabalho, por exemplo, é o georgete ou a seda. Os muito fininhos podem marcar ou ficar com cara de roupa de festa. Fique de olho nas proporções: como a saia já é larga, combine com uma camiseta mais “sequinha”.

Para os dias mais frios use com maxicardigãs de tricô: “Os de tamanho 3/4, logo abaixo da cintura, são os ideais. É possível também mesclar com cashemere ou moletom mescla, uma opção mais atual e mostrada por diversas marcas”. Já com relação aos sapatos, prefira sempre os de salto mais baixo: “Rasteirinhas são ideais, bem como coturnos e botas de montaria. Salto só se for plataforma, com inspiração anos 70, mas ainda assim, não muito alto”.

domingo, 10 de abril de 2011

Cirurgia de palpebra- para recuperar a juventude perdida


Fontes/ site: Bioplástica/e Dr. Nonato Fontes.
Blefaroplastia, é uma otima maneira de alcançar um grande rejuvenescimento facial atraves de um procedimento minimamente invasivo, apenas com anestesia local. Como os olhos são a primeira coisa que todos notam, ao eliminar a aparencia cansada e triste causada por palpebras caidas ou bolsas de gordura abaixo dos olhos, a blefaroplastia causa grande impacto na busca pela juventude perdida.
gia?

Independente da idade, se você tiver uma dessas condições ou a combinação delas, você se beneficiará com essa cirurgia
- excesso de pele que pode dificultar sua visão;
- excesso de pele que impede a visão do seu sulco palpebral superior;
- aparência de visão cansada pela presença de bolsas na pálpebra superior;
- excesso de pele e rugas muito finas nas pálpebras inferiores;
- bolsas e círculos escuros, associado a sulcos ao longo do bordo das pálpebras inferiores;
- queda da pálpebra inferior, mostrando o branco dos olhos abaixo da íris (parte colorida do olho) .
Cirurgia pode corrigir todos estes problemas?
Esta cirurgia pode corrigir estes problemas, mas é possível que outros tratamentos devam ser associados tais como:
- peeling para diminuir as rugas muito finas e para diminuir os " pés de galinha";
- se há queda da sobrancelha, pode ser necessário fazer cirurgia na fronte.

Primeira consulta

- na consulta inicial, você pode mostrar na frente de um espelho tudo o que incomoda e que deseja melhorar;
- isto facilita entender quais são as suas expectativas;
- deve informar se teve ou tem algum tratamento com oftalmologista;
- se usa lentes de contato ou não conseguiu utilizá-las por alguma razão.

Como é realizada a Cirurgia?

- para a pálpebra superior a retirada de pele é escondida na prega natural;
- se estende ligeiramente além do canto externo em uma prega natural;
- por aí se retira as bolsas de gordura;
- a cicatriz final segue o contorno natural da pálpebra e fica bem camuflada;
- na pálpebra inferior a incisão é feita logo abaixo dos cílios;
- por aí se retira as bolsas de gordura e excesso de pele e músculos;
- a cicatriz final fica bem escondida abaixo dos cílios.

Procedimento Cirúrgico para Plástica de Pálpebras






Quais as possíveis complicações?

As complicações são raras, mas existem em todas as cirurgias, na cirurgia das pálpebras pode ocorrer:
- hematomas (acúmulo de sangue embaixo da pele ou músculo);
- sensação de "olho seco" que é a irritação dos olhos, logo após a operação;
- infecção;
- ectrópio (olho mais aberto);
- todos esses riscos são minimizados se os cuidados pós-operatórios forem seguidos corretamente, bem como os retornos ao consultório seguidos diligentemente.

Qual o período de recuperação?

- é variável para cada pessoa;
- na primeira noite deve repousar tranqüilo com cabeça elevada e aplicar compressas frias;
- nas primeiras 48 horas, há inchaço e equimoses em grau variável;
- que tendem a desaparecer após 48 horas até o sétimo dia;
- aplicação de " make up" e uso de óculos escuros disfarça as equimoses;
- os pontos são retirados após 48 horas;
- pode retornar ao trabalho após 72 horas da cirurgia;
- mas sintomas ainda persistem como: visão ligeiramente embaçada, irritação nos olhos, coceira etc.

Qual o resultado final e quanto dura

- cicatrizes ficam indeléveis com o tempo;
- ficará com aparência mais jovial, descansada e esperta;
- a durabilidade do resultado é permanente, principalmente da retirada das bolsas gordurosas;
- rugas finas e o excesso de pele com o passar do tempo poderão retornar;
- o grau dependerá da sua genética;
- tratamento preventivo deve ser feito com peelings (ver Sem Cirurgia).

sexta-feira, 8 de abril de 2011

Antonia Fraser' book about his life with Harold Pinter

fonte/ The Observer/ by Rachel Cooke
I thought about this refrigerator as I read Must You Go?, Fraser's account of her 33-year relationship with ­Pinter (they lived together from 1975 until the playwright's death from cancer on Christmas Eve, 2008). Mostly, her memoir confirms the impression gained from her fridge: that the Fraser/Pinter household was somewhat grand, that the couple usually took supper outside the home – in restaurants, at the houses of their well-connected friends – rather than on a tray in front of Prime Suspect (Harold, writes his thriller-loving wife, "did not understand the mentality of one who was keenly awaiting the next Lee Child"). But, still, I do worry about that loaf because Fraser also reveals that she and Harold did not eat bread, not even when they were staying with the film director Mike Nichols and his TV anchor wife, Diane Sawyer, where it was delivered to the door fresh every ­morning. Who was the brown-sliced for? A passing tradesman?

Must You Go? is replete with Lilliputian details about bread, flowers and the like; Fraser, being both a wife, and one now cruelly bereft, has delivered a book filled with the comforting and the quotidian rather than the dripping, bloody facts so beloved of biographers. Her only real revelation is the news that Pinter, while sleeping with Joan Bakewell, with whom he had an affair before he was married to Fraser, was also carrying on with an American woman she refers to as "Cleopatra" (Fraser naughtily calls it a "more intimate" relationship than the one he enjoyed with Bakewell).

Her diaries, which comprise the majority of the text, have an infuriatingly excised quality. Determined only to "call back yesterday" so far as Harold is concerned, she reveals next to nothing about her thousands of famous acquaintances – though, happily, even she can't resist describing how she heard Diana, Princess of Wales, tell Shimon Peres that, yes, she'd love to visit Israel, "anything for some sun". Also that, at the height of the Rushdie crisis, William Shawcross, adoring biographer of the Queen Mother, confessed he would have "withdrawn The Satanic Verses if he were Salman"). The result is often staccato, and a tease. On the subject of life with Harold, however, Fraser's memoir is also unremittingly delicious: strange, rarefied, frequently hilarious.

Fraser first clapped eyes on Harold Pinter across a crowded restaurant, and she liked what she saw. But the bolt of love struck only on their third encounter, at a gathering to celebrate the first night of The Birthday Party, directed by Fraser's brother-in-law, Kevin Billington. At home time she approached the playwright, who had black, curly hair and pointed ears "like a satyr", to tell him she'd enjoyed the play. Pinter looked at her with his black eyes. "Must you go?" he asked. Fraser wearily considered the logistics of tomorrow: the school run, the research to be done on her biography of Charles II. "No," she said. "It's not ­absolutely essential." They talked until six in the morning. At this point, Harold and Antonia had both been ­married for 18 years: he to the actress Vivien ­Merchant, she to Hugh Fraser, the ­Conservative MP. Between them they had seven children.

Their affair was a great scandal, or at least it was seen as such by the newspapers. No one else – with the possible exception of Merchant – seems to have been terribly bothered. Four months into their passion, Hugh Fraser asked his wife if she was in love with someone else. "Yes!" she said. She then revealed this someone's name. "The best living playwright," said Hugh. "Very suitable." Two months later Harold came to talk to Hugh about the prospect of his shacking up with Antonia: "Hugh and Harold ­discussed cricket at length, then the West Indies, then Proust. I started to go to sleep on the sofa. Harold politely went home." Fraser thinks that returning to the bachelor state suited her ­emotionally distant husband, though she is also sweet enough to acknowledge that she might not have been the perfect wife. Her diary for 16 August 1975 reads: "Harold in London begins to plan our new life. Me: 'I've got to learn to live with someone. Togetherness. I've never really had that.' True. Thought I would when I first married but Hugh didn't want that. I remember instituting Bible readings in bed... but Hugh, horrified, went to sleep! Who can blame him?"

So, the Jewish boy from the East End and the ­Catholic aristocrat embarked on life together and it was bliss, for all that her parents, the Earl and ­Countess Longford, initially ­disapproved ("Furious with Dada's morality... I thought about trying to explain to him about passion, but what's the point? He only likes ­people like Myra Hindley, who are apparently repenting of ­passion"). Life seems to have been one long round of dinners and first nights and important meetings, of doting children and ­adorable grandchildren; though she occasionally claims she and Harold were "broke", they spend an awful lot of time in smart hotels. But this is not to say that Pinter was easy. He wasn't! He had a pathological hatred of flies, a bizarre desire to stick up for ­Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian leader, and, outside the soothing confines of their home, a humour like fire and brimstone.

Fraser's memoir sags in the middle, during what she calls the "high noon" of their marriage – largely, I suppose, because they're pretty happy. In the 1980s Harold is admittedly beset by an existential despair at the state of the world. But there is always the consolation of his wife. "I love you wildly, and that is my solace," he tells her. There are other consolations, too, like the validation of their marriage, a delightful show of Catholic sophistry in which a priest agreed to a "dispensation" for Pinter so that he and Fraser could have the church ceremony she craved – without conversion, or even instruction. Also, later, the glorious election of Tony Blair to the leadership of the Labour party. Only he turns out to be such a disappointment – that blasted war in Iraq – that Fraser must go to Chequers for lunch alone.

Pinter was richly rewarded for his labours. He turned down a knighthood but happily accepted the award of Companion of Honour. In 2005 he received the Nobel prize for literature. But by this time he was terribly ill, having been diagnosed with cancer of the oesophagus in 2001. Reading about his treatment, and his wife's fears – she Googles survival rates, and her stomach turns over – is sad and touching. Except that, however physically frail, Pinter remained a monster of egotism. Fraser describes a visit to her husband's surgeon, in which he details which bit of Harold he intends lopping off. But the playwright's mind will wander. On the doctor's desk is a copy Pinter has sent him of his clunking great poem Cancer Cells (boy, Pinter was a bad poet). Fraser writes: "We'd both been eyeing it and in unspoken accord longed to know what he thought of it. 'I got your poem,' he said at last. 'Very enjoyable,' he said with a humorous, almost indulgent smile. It was the most inappropriate word, surely, for such a poem!" We're told that Pinter was cheered by this. Well, it made me smile, too, if not for precisely the same reason.

Ali Abdalla Zion grièvement blessé par un bombardement allié. |


Fonte/Paris Match





Dans le service des grands brûlés de l’hôpital Al-Jala de Benghazi, il est le seul survivant. Autour de lui, 19 personnes sont mortes, tuées par un tir ami, une bombe larguée par un avion allié, peut-être français. Ali Abdallah Ziou, ancien étudiant en sciences politiques de 28 ans, a rejoint les rangs de l’insurrection par idéalisme. Avec ses copains, il a acheté un pick-up Toyota d’occasion, trois ­kalachnikovs et un lance-roquettes pour libérer son pays de la tyrannie.

Le vendredi 1er avril, il retrouve d’autres véhicules sur la route de Brega. Les « kadhafistes » sont embusqués sur une ligne de front qui n’en est pas une. Garés à côté d’Ali, un autre Toyota pick-up, deux Land Cruiser beiges, une berline Honda et un minibus ambulance. S’est joint à eux un pick-up Mitsubishi couleur argent, armé d’un canon antiaérien de 14,5 millimètres à tirs rapides. Ali connaît le conducteur, un jeune qui s’appelle Amza Ayed Allafi. Il habite à côté de la maison de son cousin Faraj, quartier Tavalino, près de l’université de Benghazi. Ali et Amza se retrouvent une nouvelle fois sur le front. A la tombée de la nuit, les insurgés entendent un vrombissement. L’avion semble assez bas. Ils n’ont rien à craindre car ceux de Kadhafi ne volent plus. Soudain, Amza tire une rafale d’une vingtaine de coups, puis une seconde de quatre. « Qu’est-ce que tu fais ? Tu es fou ! C’est un avion ami. » Au moment où le 4 x 4 argent démarre en trombe, les autres n’ont pas le temps de l’imiter que l’avion est sur eux, sûr d’avoir affaire à des « kadhafistes ». La bombe explose. Le blast soulève les ­véhicules qui n’ont pas été déchiquetés. Les caisses de munitions sont pulvérisées dans des gerbes d’étincelles.

Amza se retrouve sonné, la tête dans le sable, à plusieurs mètres. Une balle l’a touché au bras et au mollet droit. Il est brûlé au visage, aux bras et aux cuisses. Grâce à son gilet pare-balles, sa poitrine n’a rien. Il réussit à se traîner vers l’arrière. Il tombe sur d’autres insurgés qui se précipitent sur le lieu du carnage. Ils relèvent 17 morts plus 2 blessés qui décéderont à ­l’hôpital d’Ajdedabia. Ali, le miraculé, est transporté à Benghazi. Il ­raconte tout et donne le numéro de téléphone d’Amza. Mohammed, le frère, avertit l’armée et file à Ajdedabia pour retrouver le pick-up argenté. « Il vient de partir », lui disent les insurgés qui ne se doutent de rien. Mohammed téléphone alors à Amza : « On est sur la route de Benghazi », lâche le jeune. L’armée est prévenue. Au barrage de l’entrée de la ville, le pick-up est arrêté. « Pourquoi ­retournez-vous à l’arrière ? Avec votre canon, vous devriez être sur le front ! » demandent les volontaires. Amza ne sait que ­répondre. Il est arrêté avec ses comparses. Ils sont aujourd’hui ­incarcérés, soupçonnés d’être des agents de Kadhafi, comme il en existe des centaines dans la ville. Son père, son oncle et son frère étaient membres du comité révolutionnaire de la cité.

Les insurgés se souviennent qu’Amza tirait avec beaucoup de « traçantes », des balles qui laissent des traits rouges dans le ciel. Il tirait à tout propos, dévoilant les positions de ses camarades qui recevaient ainsi une pluie d’obus de l’ennemi. A Benghazi, la radio répète sans cesse qu’il ne faut pas tirer sur les avions alliés. Amza a-t-il sciemment voulu provoquer un carnage ? Il est aujourd’hui interrogé dans un lieu tenu secret. Pour lui, la vengeance des ­familles sera de toute façon synonyme de mort.

Prótese mamária e resultado final do implante


Local por onde a prótese será introduzida e posição em que o implante ficará localizado podem interferir no resultado final do procedimento

Além do tamanho, os implantes mamários podem variar na sua forma e no material utilizado em seu interior. O local por onde será inserido também pode variar. Tudo isso tem de ser analisado, previamente, pelo cirurgião responsável pelo procedimento em concordância com a paciente, que deve ter total conhecimento das alternativas possíveis e também dos riscos existentes em tal intervenção.

Dependendo do perfil de cada paciente, opta-se por implantes de formato redondo ou anatômico, oferecendo o melhor resultado em relação ao desenho anterior da mama. Os produtos com os quais as próteses são fabricadas também variam: prótese de gel de silicone com revestimento liso, revestimento texturizado, e prótese de solução salina.

Sobre o local da incisão, são três as opções mais usadas: sulco inframamário, periareolar ou axilar. “A incisão no sulco oferece a possibilidade de utilizar vários tipos de implantes, além de maior facilidade de acesso à mama, o que aumenta o controle do cirurgião durante o procedimento. Já a periareolar é posicionada exatamente na interface entre a aréola e a pele da mama, enquanto que a axilar é a ideal quando o objetivo principal é evitar cicatrizes no busto. Entretanto é a mais complexa quanto ao posicionamento preciso do implante”, revela o cirurgião Dr. Nonato Fontes, de Salvador.

O implante ainda pode ficar localizado em regiões diferentes: posição submamária, subfacial ou submuscular. “A escolha da técnica depende da espessura da pele e da quantidade de tecido disponível para cobrir o implante. Na posição submamária, o implante é colocado entre o tecido e o músculo peitoral. No caso de optar pela posição subfacial - que é a intermediária - a prótese ficará localizada entre a fáscia peitoral e o músculo. Já na posição submuscular, a localização exata é entre o músculo peitoral e a parede torácica”, declara o cirurgião.

“A colocação do implante na posição submamária permite ao cirurgião ter maior exatidão sobre o resultado final do procedimento. Porém, para que essa posição seja escolhida, é fundamental haver tecido suficiente para cobrir o implante, pois, caso contrário, as bordas poderão ficar perceptíveis visualmente ou palpáveis”, finaliza Dr. Nonato Fontes.

Antonio Carlos Sales faz palestra no Hotel Golden Tulip

Seminário modifica comportamento

dos líderes dentro das empresas



Quase 90% das demissões nas empresas são causadas por problemas de conduta. Apenas 13% delas são provocadas por falta de competência técnica dos profissionais. A pesquisa, publicada pela revista Você S/A, demonstra a importância de identificar e refletir sobre suas atitudes e comportamentos e como isto pode interferir em seus resultados profissionais e pessoais. O estudo reflete o que o empresário Antonio Carlos Salles vem mudando com sucesso há seis anos quando desenvolveu com um sócio o seminário EVOL – Desafiando Líderes. Salvador recebe este programa comportamental de capacitação para líderes, entre 25 e 29 de abril, no Hotel Golden Tulip, no Rio Vermelho. As inscrições podem ser feitas através do site www.evoltraining.com.br

Bahia Café Hall abre a temporada de festejos juninos

O primeiro ensaio de São João será entre amigos e grandes parceiros de forró. Para abrir a temporada dos festejos juninos no Bahia Café Hall, na Paralela, a banda Estakazero convidou os amigos Del Feliz e Serginho, da banda baiana Adão Negro. Patrocinado pela Nova Schin, o evento acontece todas as sextas-feiras, de 8 de abril a 3 de junho, a partir das 22h.



Em sua quarta edição, os ensaios de São João do Estakazero deverão reunir aproximadamente 3,5 mil pessoas por noite com muita música, manifestações culturais e comidas típicas. Para empolgar ainda mais o público, os eventos contarão ainda com a participação da banda Cangaia de Jegue e de um trio de forrozeiros que deve circular pelo espaço nos intervalos dos shows.

Ensaios de São João

Local: Bahia Café Hall – Paralela

Data: 8 de abril a 3 de junho (somente às sextas-feiras)

Horário: 22 horas

Ingressos: Pista – R$ 30 (antecipado) R$ 40 (bilheteria)

quinta-feira, 7 de abril de 2011

Gloria Coelho na trilha do sucesso


fonte/ site Chic e Elle.
A minicoleção de sapatos da estilista está com o lançamento marcado para o dia 26 deste mes, a convite da Shoestock - são 14 modelos Oxford e duas bolsas; os sapatos ficam na casa dos R$230 reais.. Vale a pena conferir.
Como foi o verão 2011: o tema das últimas três coleções foram a arquitetura modernista de Frank Lloyd Wright, Frank Gehry e Oscar Niemeyer, de quem a estilista retirou as platibandas em fitas que tem usado repetidamente, sempre tentando dar a elas novas torcidas e funções.

. O inverno 2011: em todo grande cassino do mundo há uma sala separada para os jogadores peso pesado. Os que não têm medo de apostar tudo – casa, fortuna pessoal, joias da família - numa só noite ou numa só jogada. Na moda, temos alguns criadores com essa mesma obsessão e ousadia; Gloria Coelho faz parte dessa confraria.

Ela joga todas as suas fichas numa ou duas ideias e lá fica pelo tempo que for necessário até vencer a banca e exaurir o assunto. Foi o que ela fez com o tema da arquitetura – depois de ter feito várias coleções em seguida sobre a matéria, ela encerra o ciclo e passa agora para outro. É muito possível que tenhamos Pokémon pela frente por várias estações!

As figuras robóticas, os recortes, as linhas retas que vimos lembra a turma daquele famoso game do final dos anos 1990. Para acompanhar esse pessoal, Gloria trouxe também algumas ideias do MotoCross, das linhas dos anos 1960 e muitos dos modelos favoritos de seu acervo.

Calças e túnicas retas, casaquinhos curtos e saias arredondadas, jumpers sobre blusas de gola alta além de muitos vestidos curtos de veludo enfeitados por debruns de couro constituíam essa bela coleção. Astracan, verniz , lâminas de gaze coloridas, além de lãs, tafetás, couros e muitos babados fecham esse inverno ainda mais brilhante por conta das enormes pedras de cristal Swarovski que enfeitavam as peças finais.

terça-feira, 5 de abril de 2011

Shaikh Khalid Al Khalifa, Bahrain Foreign Minister and Shaikh Abdullah Al Nahyan , UAE Foreign Minister in the meeting of the GCC.


fnte/ Gulf News.
Shaikh Abdullah Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, UAE Foreign Minister, (right) escorts his Bahraini counterpart Shaikh Khaled Bin Ahmad Al Khalifa upon their arrival to attend the extraordinary meeting of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Foreign Ministers on April 3, 2011 in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
Manama: The Gulf Cooperation Council on Sunday expressed deep concern over what they called Iranian interference in their internal affairs.

In a statement at the end of an extraordinary meeting of the GCC Ministerial Council in Riyadh, chaired by Shaikh Abdullah Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, UAE Foreign Minister, the GCC states rejected Iran’s “continuing interference” in their internal affairs.

Iran had criticised Saudi Arabia for sending troops to Bahrain which faces protests against the government.

Tehran’s interference in the region loomed large ahead of the meeting.

“I advise the brothers in Iran to read the charter of the Gulf Cooperation Council very carefully before they interfere in the domestic affairs of any of its member states,” Shaikh Abdullah told the Kuwaiti daily Al Qabas.

“The GCC is an integrated entity and its security is a whole. The GCC was united as it confronted the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and so it shall remain in the face of any threat to its people. The GCC stance towards what happened in Bahrain is very clear and should serve as a lesson. Our council is strong and the best example is how we set up the fund to support Bahrain and Oman,” he said.

Grave concerns

Riyadh, Manama and Kuwait City, three of the council’s six capitals, have voiced grave concerns about Teh-ran’s statements and attitude towards GCC issues.

Bahrain last month recalled its ambassador to Iran for consultations after Tehran condemned the Bahraini government for the way it dealt with protesters.

The GCC states also called on the government and opposition in Yemen to hold talks to end the protests that have wracked the country for more than two months.

“The GCC calls on all parties in Yemen to return to national dialogue,” Abdul Latif Al Zayani, the new GCC secretary general, said at the meeting.

He said the political crisis in Yemen has significant ramifications throughout the region and expressed hope that the meeting would help to boost the GCC march to realise the aspirations of the people.

Yemen has been caught in a vicious cycle of protests and violence as President Ali Abdullah Saleh faces demands to step down.

With additional inputs from Reuters, AFP &WAM

domingo, 3 de abril de 2011

Blake Lively embaixadora Chanel causa polemica.


fonte/Vogue
Turbulências na Chanel. Uma fonte disse ao New York Daily News que houve reclamações no escritório americano da maison por conta da escolha de Blake Lively como embaixadora da bolsa Mademoiselle, o que dificultaria vender produtos da grife como o máximo da sofisticação europeia.

A mesma fonte disse que a Chanel iria demitir qualquer um que admitisse não estar contente com a escolha de Blake.

O escritório americano da grife tentou contornar a situação com uma declaração nesta quinta-feira (31): “A espontaneidade de Blake e sua imagem jovial convenceram a Chanel de que ela é a pessoa certa para representar a grife e suas bolsas”. E ponto final.

Conscius Collection - a moda sustentável


fonte /Marie Claire
Ser sustentável está na moda, e a H&M, gigante sueca do fast-fashion, não vai deixar essa onda passar. A marca lança no dia 14 de abril a coleção Conscious Collection, com peças feitas a partir de tecidos orgânicos e reciclados.

As peças são feitas de linho e algodão orgânico, poliéster reciclado (produzido a partir da reciclagem de garrafas pet) e tencel, tecido com aspecto sedoso e com impacto ambiental mínimo. A coleção estará à venda em todas as lojas da rede pelo mundo.

Mega bazar de Reinaldo Lourenço em Sampa


fonte Elle/Brazil
Fashionistas de plantão, anotem na agenda: Reinaldo Lourenço promoverá um superbazar entre os próximos dias 7 e 20 deste mês. O que isso significa? Que as peças estarão com 70% e 90% de desconto!

Onde? Na Rua Eugênio de Medeiros, 476, em Pinheiros. De segunda à sexta das 10 às 20 horas e aos sábados e domingos, das 10 às 18 horas.